“I want to thank all the stock
traders!” wrote one microblogger.
“Maybe God does exist?” wrote
another.
Whatever the reason, the
strange trick that the stock market played on the
Chinese Communist Party sent the country’s censors
scrambling as well, prompting them to undertake
unusually strenuous efforts to block references to the
tragedy, which Chinese leaders have tried desperately to
erase from their country’s consciousness.
In a nation where numerology
is taken very seriously, the censors quickly began
blocking searches for “stock market,” “Shanghai stock,”
“Shanghai stock market,” “index” and related terms. They
also deleted large numbers of microblog postings about
the numerical surprise.
And even before tens of
thousands of demonstrators clad mostly in black gathered
at Victoria Park in Hong Kong for an annual candlelight
vigil commemorating the Tiananmen killings, censors were
also blocking searches for “Victoria Park,” “black
clothes,” “silent tribute” and even “today.”
Not only did the broad index
of the Shanghai exchange fall 64.89 points on Monday,
but the index also opened that morning at 2346.98, a
figure that, to some, looked like the date of the
crackdown written backward, followed by the 23rd
anniversary.
The Shanghai Stock Exchange
Composite Index is calculated by adding up the market
capitalizations of hundreds of stocks and then
converting the sum into an index based on a value of 100
on Dec. 19, 1990. Richard W. Kershaw, the managing
director for Asia forensic technology at FTI Consulting,
a global financial investigations company, said that it
would be almost impossible for anyone to coordinate the
buying and selling of so many stocks to produce a
specific result.
But hackers have targeted the
computer systems at other stock exchanges in the past,
and Mr. Kershaw said it was at least possible that this
might have occurred in
China. He predicted that the government would
investigate, adding, “You can bet we’ll never hear the
results.”
Chinese culture puts a very
strong, sometimes superstitious, emphasis on numbers and
dates. The Beijing Olympics started at 8:08 p.m. on Aug.
8, 2008, a time and date chosen for the many eights,
considered an auspicious number.
The candlelight vigil in Hong
Kong drew a crowd that organizers estimated at “over
180,000,” which would make it the biggest of the annual
events since 1989. Organizers have estimated the crowds
in 1990, 2009, 2010 and 2011 at 150,000.
The police here were more
cautious, putting the turnout at 85,000; they had
estimated the annual turnout from 2009 through 2011 at
62,800, 113,000 and 77,000, and the 1990 vigil at
80,000.
The turnout on Monday, on a
humid evening under a luminous full moon, was
particularly hard to calculate.
Six soccer fields in front of
a large stage, the core of the park, filled up with
densely packed crowds earlier than in previous years.
That prompted people to spill over to a series of other
fields in the park. Some fields had outdoor screens that
were put up to display the proceedings; others had no
such provisions, having not filled with crowds in past
years.
There was also an unusually
large turnout of people who appeared to be in their
teens or 20s. Until the last several years, the vigils
had been mostly attended by people in their 40s and
older — those who had experienced soaring hopes for
democratization in 1989, followed by crushing
disappointment.
Andy Lo, 20, a university
student, said that social media like Facebook had been
filled this year with calls to attend the vigil. But he
and others there were unable to explain why this had
happened.
“I used to think it was just a
ritual,” he said. “We want something to change, the
voice for change is much stronger now, but I can’t
account for it.”
Even 23 years later, the use
of tanks and gunfire to disperse unarmed students and
other Tiananmen Square protesters remains a point of
bitter dispute in China and around the world.
Increased attendance at the
Hong Kong vigils has coincided with public concern here
and in mainland China about issues including corruption
and the inequity of wealth. And retired Chinese
officials who were in office in the months leading up to
the Tiananmen Square crackdown have begun publishing
their memoirs.
The memoir of Zhao Ziyang, the
general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party in the
two years before the protest, was published shortly
before the 2009 vigil. He was ousted from power
immediately after the Tiananmen crackdown by Deng
Xiaoping, China’s supreme leader at the time.
A series of conversations with
Chen Xitong, the mayor of Beijing in 1989 and a reputed
hard-liner, were published last week. He expressed
regret that a military assault had taken place, denied
reports that he had played a role in organizing the
attack and said that “several hundred people died that
day.”
Estimates of the civilian
death toll in the crackdown have ranged from the
hundreds to thousands.
China tightens security
measures for the anniversary each year. In the last few
days, the government has detained or placed under house
arrest an unknown number of dissidents, part of an
annual procedure before the anniversary.
The local government of
Tongzhou, an eastern district of Beijing, took the
unusual step of publishing on its Web site a description
of its precautions for the anniversary: “From May 31 to
June 4, wartime systems and protective measures should
be in effect, and security volunteers, wearing red
armbands and organized by the collective action of
neighborhoods, should be on duty and patrolling.”
The post was deleted by early
Monday afternoon.
Liu Weimin, a Chinese Foreign
Ministry spokesman, expressed “strong dissatisfaction”
with the United States on Monday after the State
Department issued a statement on Sunday calling for
China to free political prisoners still in jail nearly a
quarter-century after the Tiananmen crackdown.
Kevin Drew contributed reporting.